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.At the time,Albanians constituted only six per cent of the police force. AN OUT B RE AK OF P E ACE ? 135The talks hit another snag on 6 August, however, when Georgievski sparty demanded that the rebels disarm before the peace agreementwas ratified by Parliament.NLA commanders had said they wouldonly disarm after such ratification, but eventually backed down.In Skopje, on 7 August, police raided a house in the district of GaziBaba and killed five ethnic Albanians they said were NLA guerrillas.The Albanian daily in Macedonia, Fakti, said the men were killedwhile asleep and that as many as 300 policemen and members of specialunits had surrounded Gazi Baba at 5 am.17 Blood, pieces of skull and brain are scattered all over the pillowsand walls of the rooms, Fakti s reporter Lirim Dullovi wrote.The situation in this Skopje quarter, populated by a mainly ethnicAlbanian population is very tense after this, latest provocation ofthe Macedonian police.Based on the arsenal used in this action, it isobvious that the Macedonian police came prepared for a widerconfrontation with the local population.Peter Bouckaert of Human Rights Watch inspected the house. Therewas no evidence at the scene to support the government version ofevents.There was no sign of an exchange of fire and victims appearedto have been shot as they were lying on the floor.The Washington Post reported that: The house looked more likethe scene of a summary execution.A reporter saw no signs that thevictims had fired a shot at the raiders.Windows were closed, and nobullet holes nicked the walls or ceiling.The front door had not beenforced open.Kim Mehmeti, an ethnic Albanian journalist said, There is fear ofethnic cleansing even Albanians who live here in Skopje think so.Things have gone so far. Slobodan Casule, a centrist ethnicMacedonian politician, said the signs of disaster continue to build.We seem already like Humpty Dumpty.The peace agreement was finally accepted in principle, however, on8 August by all the major Macedonian and ethnic Albanian partiesafter weeks of hard bargaining in the lakeside resort of Ohrid.It wouldbe signed in Skopje on 13 August, with Solana attending.The accordprovided for limited use of Albanian as an official language, policereforms in ethnic Albanian majority areas and the deployment of 3,500NATO troops to disarm the NLA.The ethnic Albanian negotiators generally succeeded in expandingminority rights.The Macedonian negotiators limited the erosion oftheir status as a constituent nationality.In general, both sides found 136 MACE DONI Athe agreement unsatisfactory but workable, provided they could bepersuaded that the other side would act in good faith.According to the diplomats present, the mood at the simple signingceremony at the presidential office was low-key and at times grim,with Georgievski making a sarcastic speech and the ethnic Macedonianpoliticians present wincing as Xhaferi addressed them in Albanian.After the signing ceremony, Xhaferi again showed the sensitivity ofthe language question when he addressed reporters in Albanian andreferred to his right to do so in the agreement.Prime MinisterGeorgievski walked out in protest and President Trajkovski called forXhaferi to apologise.18The International Crisis Group commented that:The strange context of the signing showed just how implausible it isthat, without further extraordinary efforts, the agreement willactually provide a workable way to keep multiethnic Macedoniaout of civil war.Details of the agreement had been hammered outby 8 August& Signature was delayed for five days while Macedoniangovernment troops and ethnic rebels engaged in the deadliest seriesyet of tit-for-tat retaliations.Terms of the agreement were withheldfrom the public lest they provoke violent responses from hardlinerson both sides& The ceremony, when it finally occurred, was carriedout almost furtively, in a small room of the President s residence,without live television.19The Crisis Group concluded, Although a political agreement has nowbeen signed, and NATO is poised to enter Macedonia, the possibilityof a full-blown civil war, with serious regional consequences, remainshigh.NATO and the NLA signed a technical agreement on 14 August onthe weapons collection terms and modalities.Pieter Feith negotiatedthe agreement with Ali Ahmeti.The revenge attacks in Bitola, meanwhile, had set a precedent forthe increasingly ferocious blood-letting that was to plague Macedoniaover the following months, in spite of the peace deal and partly inreaction to it.Extremists on both sides were determined to make theOhrid accord a dead letter. Warlords andPeacekeepers9There are things in this war that, I fear, will never becomprehensible to me.But perhaps this is also a blessing.Ifsomeone managed to understand everything about this infernohe would lose his mind.Marko Vesovic, Chiedo Scusa se vi parlo di SarajevoAMONG THE MOST CHILLING episodes of the Macedonian conflict wasthe extrajudicial killing on 12 August 2001 of ten ethnic Albanians inthe village of Ljuboten evidently in revenge for the slaying of eightMacedonian commandos blown up by land mines and ten other soldierskilled in an NLA ambush.The eight soldiers were killed, and eight others were wounded, onthe morning of 10 August, when a Macedonian military truck ranover two anti-tank mines on a remote country road on the SkopskaCrna Gorna mountain just north of Skopje.The other group of ten government soldiers was slain in the ambushof a military convoy on the main Skopje to Tetovo highway two daysearlier [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.At the time,Albanians constituted only six per cent of the police force. AN OUT B RE AK OF P E ACE ? 135The talks hit another snag on 6 August, however, when Georgievski sparty demanded that the rebels disarm before the peace agreementwas ratified by Parliament.NLA commanders had said they wouldonly disarm after such ratification, but eventually backed down.In Skopje, on 7 August, police raided a house in the district of GaziBaba and killed five ethnic Albanians they said were NLA guerrillas.The Albanian daily in Macedonia, Fakti, said the men were killedwhile asleep and that as many as 300 policemen and members of specialunits had surrounded Gazi Baba at 5 am.17 Blood, pieces of skull and brain are scattered all over the pillowsand walls of the rooms, Fakti s reporter Lirim Dullovi wrote.The situation in this Skopje quarter, populated by a mainly ethnicAlbanian population is very tense after this, latest provocation ofthe Macedonian police.Based on the arsenal used in this action, it isobvious that the Macedonian police came prepared for a widerconfrontation with the local population.Peter Bouckaert of Human Rights Watch inspected the house. Therewas no evidence at the scene to support the government version ofevents.There was no sign of an exchange of fire and victims appearedto have been shot as they were lying on the floor.The Washington Post reported that: The house looked more likethe scene of a summary execution.A reporter saw no signs that thevictims had fired a shot at the raiders.Windows were closed, and nobullet holes nicked the walls or ceiling.The front door had not beenforced open.Kim Mehmeti, an ethnic Albanian journalist said, There is fear ofethnic cleansing even Albanians who live here in Skopje think so.Things have gone so far. Slobodan Casule, a centrist ethnicMacedonian politician, said the signs of disaster continue to build.We seem already like Humpty Dumpty.The peace agreement was finally accepted in principle, however, on8 August by all the major Macedonian and ethnic Albanian partiesafter weeks of hard bargaining in the lakeside resort of Ohrid.It wouldbe signed in Skopje on 13 August, with Solana attending.The accordprovided for limited use of Albanian as an official language, policereforms in ethnic Albanian majority areas and the deployment of 3,500NATO troops to disarm the NLA.The ethnic Albanian negotiators generally succeeded in expandingminority rights.The Macedonian negotiators limited the erosion oftheir status as a constituent nationality.In general, both sides found 136 MACE DONI Athe agreement unsatisfactory but workable, provided they could bepersuaded that the other side would act in good faith.According to the diplomats present, the mood at the simple signingceremony at the presidential office was low-key and at times grim,with Georgievski making a sarcastic speech and the ethnic Macedonianpoliticians present wincing as Xhaferi addressed them in Albanian.After the signing ceremony, Xhaferi again showed the sensitivity ofthe language question when he addressed reporters in Albanian andreferred to his right to do so in the agreement.Prime MinisterGeorgievski walked out in protest and President Trajkovski called forXhaferi to apologise.18The International Crisis Group commented that:The strange context of the signing showed just how implausible it isthat, without further extraordinary efforts, the agreement willactually provide a workable way to keep multiethnic Macedoniaout of civil war.Details of the agreement had been hammered outby 8 August& Signature was delayed for five days while Macedoniangovernment troops and ethnic rebels engaged in the deadliest seriesyet of tit-for-tat retaliations.Terms of the agreement were withheldfrom the public lest they provoke violent responses from hardlinerson both sides& The ceremony, when it finally occurred, was carriedout almost furtively, in a small room of the President s residence,without live television.19The Crisis Group concluded, Although a political agreement has nowbeen signed, and NATO is poised to enter Macedonia, the possibilityof a full-blown civil war, with serious regional consequences, remainshigh.NATO and the NLA signed a technical agreement on 14 August onthe weapons collection terms and modalities.Pieter Feith negotiatedthe agreement with Ali Ahmeti.The revenge attacks in Bitola, meanwhile, had set a precedent forthe increasingly ferocious blood-letting that was to plague Macedoniaover the following months, in spite of the peace deal and partly inreaction to it.Extremists on both sides were determined to make theOhrid accord a dead letter. Warlords andPeacekeepers9There are things in this war that, I fear, will never becomprehensible to me.But perhaps this is also a blessing.Ifsomeone managed to understand everything about this infernohe would lose his mind.Marko Vesovic, Chiedo Scusa se vi parlo di SarajevoAMONG THE MOST CHILLING episodes of the Macedonian conflict wasthe extrajudicial killing on 12 August 2001 of ten ethnic Albanians inthe village of Ljuboten evidently in revenge for the slaying of eightMacedonian commandos blown up by land mines and ten other soldierskilled in an NLA ambush.The eight soldiers were killed, and eight others were wounded, onthe morning of 10 August, when a Macedonian military truck ranover two anti-tank mines on a remote country road on the SkopskaCrna Gorna mountain just north of Skopje.The other group of ten government soldiers was slain in the ambushof a military convoy on the main Skopje to Tetovo highway two daysearlier [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]