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.H.GREENtives that government should seek to promote.It affords a reason forresisting all positive reforms & which involve an action of the state &promoting conditions favourable to moral life (Works II, p.345).Whenfreedom is understood positively, he holds, it will follow that the lawshould seek not merely to remove obstacles to individual freedom ofaction, but to provide means of and opportunities for self-realisation tothose who otherwise would not have them.Law cannot make peoplegood, but it can enable them to make themselves good.Legislaturesshould take a positive role in the life of the community.They should,for instance, provide education and public health facilities.Withouteducation, he observes, the individual in modern society is, in effect, asmuch crippled as he would be by the loss of a limb.Legislatures shouldalso control the consumption of alcohol: Green was a keen advocate oftemperance reform.Where necessary, the law should even interfere withthat most sacred of liberal values, freedom of contract.In his Lecture onLiberal Legislation and Freedom of Contract , Green emphasises thatserious infringements of liberty can in fact occur under the guise offreedom of contract.Here, he hit upon what is undoubtedly the centralmoral weakness of the negative definition of liberty.An Irish tenantfarmer whose alternative to entering into a tenancy agreement with hislandlord is starvation for himself and his family is, he pointed out, a freecontractor only in the most empty and formal sense.Green offered what one might call a humanised revision of liberalism inplace of the nineteenth-century Gradgrind-and-Bounderby orthodoxiesof laissez-faire; orthodoxies that were, in fact, beginning to wear thin wellbefore Green s literary career began.Green emphasises that the identityand happiness of individuals is inseparable from the social whole, andthat individual good cannot be considered as separate from the commongood.He believes that freedom is not merely freedom from constraint,but freedom to be the best that one can be.He insists, although withoutgoing into great detail, that government should seek actively to promotethe common good, and that where necessary it should do so by providingthe means of self-realisation for those who lack them.Despite his philo-sophical idealism, Green remains a liberal in the sense that the freedomof the individual is his key political value.But his reappraisal of how weare to understand the individual and the individual s freedom identifyhim as a liberal in whose thought liberalism has begun to look forward tothe idea of a socially responsible welfare state.Green s published outputis very small, thanks to his early death, but his contribution to politicalthought is measurable also in the work of those who regarded themselvesas his disciples: notably Bernard Bosanquet (1848 1923), L.T.Hobhouse(1864 1929) and J.A.Hobson (1858 1940).145 FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHEFurther readingPrimary sourcesThe Works of Thomas Hill Green, ed.R.L.Nettleship (5 vols; London: Longmans,Green & Co., 1885 8).Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation, reconstructed by his first editorR.L.Nettleship (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1941).Secondary sourcesMilne, A.J.M.: The Social Philosophy of English Idealism (London: Allen &Unwin, 1962).Nicholson, P.: The Political Philosophy of the British Idealists (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1989).Richter, M.: The Politics of Conscience: T.H.Green and His Age (Lanham, MD:University Press of America, 1983).FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE (1844 1900)Nietzsche was born near Leipzig in 1844, the son of a Lutheran pastor.His father died when he was a child and he was brought up by hismother, sister and aunts.At school and at university he was a precociousand brilliant classical scholar, and this led to his appointment as Professorof Classical Philology at the University of Basel at the unprecedentedlyyoung age of twenty-four.His first book, The Birth of Tragedy (1872), was something of a shock tothe academic community.It was not the expected scholarly treatise basedon close argument and detailed evidence, but a work of sweeping gener-alisations about the course and the future of Western civilisation, writtenin vivid and unorthodox prose.Consequently, the book was severelycriticised; but Nietzsche continued to write in this way for the rest of hiscareer.In 1879 he retired from his professorship on grounds of ill-healthand for the next ten years Nietzsche lived as a semi-invalid in variousparts of Switzerland, France and Italy, during which time he wrote hismost famous works.In 1889, at the age of forty-five, he became insane.He was brought back to Germany, where his mother and sister, ElizabethFöster-Nietzsche, nursed him until his death in 1900 [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
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.H.GREENtives that government should seek to promote.It affords a reason forresisting all positive reforms & which involve an action of the state &promoting conditions favourable to moral life (Works II, p.345).Whenfreedom is understood positively, he holds, it will follow that the lawshould seek not merely to remove obstacles to individual freedom ofaction, but to provide means of and opportunities for self-realisation tothose who otherwise would not have them.Law cannot make peoplegood, but it can enable them to make themselves good.Legislaturesshould take a positive role in the life of the community.They should,for instance, provide education and public health facilities.Withouteducation, he observes, the individual in modern society is, in effect, asmuch crippled as he would be by the loss of a limb.Legislatures shouldalso control the consumption of alcohol: Green was a keen advocate oftemperance reform.Where necessary, the law should even interfere withthat most sacred of liberal values, freedom of contract.In his Lecture onLiberal Legislation and Freedom of Contract , Green emphasises thatserious infringements of liberty can in fact occur under the guise offreedom of contract.Here, he hit upon what is undoubtedly the centralmoral weakness of the negative definition of liberty.An Irish tenantfarmer whose alternative to entering into a tenancy agreement with hislandlord is starvation for himself and his family is, he pointed out, a freecontractor only in the most empty and formal sense.Green offered what one might call a humanised revision of liberalism inplace of the nineteenth-century Gradgrind-and-Bounderby orthodoxiesof laissez-faire; orthodoxies that were, in fact, beginning to wear thin wellbefore Green s literary career began.Green emphasises that the identityand happiness of individuals is inseparable from the social whole, andthat individual good cannot be considered as separate from the commongood.He believes that freedom is not merely freedom from constraint,but freedom to be the best that one can be.He insists, although withoutgoing into great detail, that government should seek actively to promotethe common good, and that where necessary it should do so by providingthe means of self-realisation for those who lack them.Despite his philo-sophical idealism, Green remains a liberal in the sense that the freedomof the individual is his key political value.But his reappraisal of how weare to understand the individual and the individual s freedom identifyhim as a liberal in whose thought liberalism has begun to look forward tothe idea of a socially responsible welfare state.Green s published outputis very small, thanks to his early death, but his contribution to politicalthought is measurable also in the work of those who regarded themselvesas his disciples: notably Bernard Bosanquet (1848 1923), L.T.Hobhouse(1864 1929) and J.A.Hobson (1858 1940).145 FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHEFurther readingPrimary sourcesThe Works of Thomas Hill Green, ed.R.L.Nettleship (5 vols; London: Longmans,Green & Co., 1885 8).Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation, reconstructed by his first editorR.L.Nettleship (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1941).Secondary sourcesMilne, A.J.M.: The Social Philosophy of English Idealism (London: Allen &Unwin, 1962).Nicholson, P.: The Political Philosophy of the British Idealists (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1989).Richter, M.: The Politics of Conscience: T.H.Green and His Age (Lanham, MD:University Press of America, 1983).FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE (1844 1900)Nietzsche was born near Leipzig in 1844, the son of a Lutheran pastor.His father died when he was a child and he was brought up by hismother, sister and aunts.At school and at university he was a precociousand brilliant classical scholar, and this led to his appointment as Professorof Classical Philology at the University of Basel at the unprecedentedlyyoung age of twenty-four.His first book, The Birth of Tragedy (1872), was something of a shock tothe academic community.It was not the expected scholarly treatise basedon close argument and detailed evidence, but a work of sweeping gener-alisations about the course and the future of Western civilisation, writtenin vivid and unorthodox prose.Consequently, the book was severelycriticised; but Nietzsche continued to write in this way for the rest of hiscareer.In 1879 he retired from his professorship on grounds of ill-healthand for the next ten years Nietzsche lived as a semi-invalid in variousparts of Switzerland, France and Italy, during which time he wrote hismost famous works.In 1889, at the age of forty-five, he became insane.He was brought back to Germany, where his mother and sister, ElizabethFöster-Nietzsche, nursed him until his death in 1900 [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]